Politico explores THAT question…..
The answer echo’s other’s who have pointed out that solution for goverance of Gaza was ALWAYS there after the Oct. 7th Hamas attacks that had hostage taken….
As a Two State Option….
Netanyahu has stated he will NOT accept the Palestinian Authority as the government of Gaza….
In the end?
THAT maybe the solution dropped on him to live with instead of having Israeli soldiers as the ‘occupation force’ target’s in a hostile environment …
The below linked piece points to ‘another world’ look at a yearning by some in Gaza for a “Democratic State’ , run by those in Gaza free of Hamas’s control, free of the Palestine Authority’s current leadership….
It a far cry from the picture/images the everyday media portrays of the place…
Logically, any peace plan depends on the Palestinian Authority. To stabilize Gaza — to organize any “day-after” administration — one must find Arab partners who promise Gazans the hope of safety and reconstruction; partners who would not just be sub-contractors for an Israeli occupation of the Strip. This presupposes the entry of especially Egyptian but also Jordanian and other Arab forces; which presupposes funding and rehabilitation investment by the UAE, the Saudis and Qataris; which presupposes the blessing and participation of the Palestinian Authority. And this presupposes a plausible “pathway” to an eventual Palestinian state.
That’s why France, Britain, Canada, Germany and other countries have announced their intentions to recognize the Palestinian Authority to be a Palestinian State in the fall. That’s also why, last week, the 22 countries of the Arab League, joined by the 27 of the European Union, endorsed a central rolefor the Palestinian Authority in a joint declaration, insisting that Hamas “hand over its weapons to the Palestinian Authority, with international engagement and support, in line with the objectives of a sovereign and independent Palestinian state.” These initiatives are meant to make that pathway to peace seem plausible.
Netanyahu insists that these initiatives “reward” terror. On the contrary, they make his espoused goal more likely: a regional deal in which Hamas is isolated by the Arab world, and the Palestinian Authority, which long ago agreed to the two-state solution, takes the lead in legitimizing and helping to buttress a new Gazan administration.
Nor should that plan seem unrealistic to President Donald Trump, whose philistine commercialism plays rather well in the Gulf. The region’s monarchs preside over sovereign wealth funds, needing Western investment markets, that have grown to $4 trillion dollars. Outwardly encouraged by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Trump seems to fancy himself becoming a regional Robert Moses, presiding over (and dictating to) the old mess of tribes, organizing investment bankers, equity managers, CEO-technologists — also golfers and cultural sycophants — to build bridges and trains and resorts. Smart Israelis like Netanyahu would presumably want in.
Netanyahu says he does. But so far, more than this, he wants Greater Israel, his government’s creeping annexation of “Judea and Samaria” — the nationalists’ term for the West Bank — and to cling to power. He is counting on Americans, but especially Trump, hearing the words “Palestinian Authority” and thinking of aging Fatah leaders fighting over donor money, wetting their beaks and paying off teachers, bureaucrats and police — until Hamas, given half a chance, steps back into the vacuum and takes over. In his announcement that the Israel Defense Forces would reoccupy Gaza City, he claimed they would then hand the place over to an “alternative civil administration” that is “neither Hamas nor the Palestinian Authority,” as if these are equivalent, and as if such a force is remotely possible.
But Netanyahu is not alone in vilifying the Palestinian Authority. Even close observers sympathetic to Palestinian national aims doubt its competence, dismissing it, in the words of the Guardian’s diplomatic editor Patrick Wintour, as “corrupt and discredited.” Polls show that an overwhelming majority of Palestinians want its octogenarian president Mahmoud Abbas to resign….
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“The only impediment,” al-Salqan says, “is the infrastructure that comes with a state — an airport, for example.” And no political model can “succeed over the long term in Palestine if it is not a democratic state where people can actually vote, parties are established, and so on,” not a place with “bureaucrats who benefit from the status quo and blame the occupation for it.” When the country “has the openness of political independence — anyway, I hope for this openness — we will be a force to build a political system, more secular, more pragmatic and more democratic as well.”
That word, “secular,” jumps out after so many years of Hamas insurgency. Netanyahu’s government wants Americans to conclude that, given any kind of independence, Palestinians would be dominated by jihadism. And, before Oct. 7 and its aftermath, there often did seem to be a willingness among educated, moderate Palestinians to elide, if not tolerate, Hamas in the name of national unity, or to project steadfastness in the face of Israeli occupation…
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None of this means that a transition to new leadership in the Palestinian Authority is likely to be businesslike. The old guard will try to protect itself: In April, Abbas named a longtime Fatah operative and confidant, Hussein al-Sheikh — the 64-year-old chair of the executive council — as vice-president. There seems little likelihood of an election in the immediate aftermath of the war, before a new administration in Gaza has the chance to prove the Palestine Authority’s efficacy.
The immediate challenge for the business community is cultural and economic — to prove its capacity to build and integrate into the democratic world of European and American liberalism, and, in so doing, reassure Israelis that they have a partner that is a radical break from Hamas and its enablers.
“I will focus on developing a secular democracy, like the Palestinian Authority once was,” Masri, increasingly the face of that revolution, recently told the Israeli daily Yediot Aharonot: “We cannot be a dictatorship and at the same time have relations with democratic Israel.”….